one man independent panel review 2

from jebat must die

Continuing from the previous post, we now come to the part where serious action plans are needed to rejuvenate and recover the confidence of the people towards Barisan Nasional.

1. Dealing with issues

There are a lot of post general election issues which should have been dealt with in a more tactful and intelligent manner. It is best that all issues are answered in a dignified, consistent, with facts and above all, in a non-arrogant way.

Example 1 : NEP-free Penang

The statement by YAB Lim Guan Eng that Penang will be NEP-free should have been dealt with by saying it was just DAP’s gimmick and populist approach in appeasing their Chinese supporters. To begin with, it was actually a non-issue as the NEP came to an end in 1990. It was replaced by Dasar Pembangunan Nasional (DPN) in which it was applied to all Malaysians. Our ‘Misi Nasional’ and in particular, its ‘Teras 3′ approach (Menangani Masalah Ketidaksamaan Sosio-Economi Yang Berterusan Secara Membina dan Produktif) which doesn’t discriminate any race, are proof that the government takes care of all Malaysians without prejudice and favour.

Umno leaders can defend the success of NEP but not to picture it as perpetually active. The knowledgeable Malays weren’t even impressed by the statements and approach of Pak Lah and some of the Umno leaders in chastising Lim Guan Eng. More so, the IDR in Johor Darul Takzim was announced as free of the NEP (again, another mistaken statement) by Tun Musa Hitam and endorsed by Pak Lah in March 2007. Inconsistent leaders invites ridicule and disparagement from the public.

BN leaders should invite the PR leaders to discuss the implementation of Misi Nasional for the sake of national development; but the contrary happens.

Example 2 : Azalina Othman and her antics

Azalina Othman made statements that was smack with arrogance. She is acting more like an Umno warlord in fulfilling her ministerial job description rather than being a minister in charge of the tourism industry of Malaysia. The way she deliberate the ministry’s first pronouncement will likely push the BN supporters to sympathise with the PR states. It is mind boggling how she behaved in an unfriendly manner towards those states as if her party had won tremendous victory in the last general election. Being delusional is one thing, never learn from mistakes is another.

Note that callous remarks from leaders throughout history will often be the cause of their downfall. In this case, her action in terminating the MOUs and channeling the funds directly to federal representatives in the PR states instead to their rightful excos will make her look insensitive and vindictive towards the people in those states.

Example 3 : YB Mukhriz Mahathir

When Mukhriz sent a letter to Pak Lah asking him to resign, some of the Umno leaders should pronounce that the spirit of democracy, liberty and toleration in Umno is alive and well. But in their zest to support Pak Lah’s weak leadership, they failed to realise that they made the statements alone and without the support of the discontented grassroots. These Umno leaders and the mainstream media whom had played up the issue should have instead accept the grouses and criticisms of Umno members with open hearts and eyes wide open; much like how the MCA and Gerakan deal with the same leadership issue.

In the end, no action were taken against Mukhriz and this alienate Pak Lah and his supporters further.

Example 4 : Issues with the monarchy and Tun Dr. Mahathir

Pak Lah lack of common sense and brash/crude attitude towards the highly respected figures of the Agong, Raja Perlis and Tun Dr Mahathir had tarnished his and Umno’s image even further. It also confirms the allegations that Umno is preaching double standard (vis-a-vis the appointment Menteri Besar Perak fiasco). It doesn’t diminish anyone’s pride to actually meet the Agong before appointing the Menteri Besar of Terengganu. Pak Lah action in trying to discipline the Agong via the mainstream media lacks humility and duty for the Agong which borders treason of the highest order.

The Malays upheld and respect the concept of kindness (budi) and repay with kindness (balas budi). Without it, the Malays would lost their main characteristic. Several past leaders had openly criticise their successors. The proper response to the criticisms from any predecessors is best referred to Tun Dr Mahathir’s attitude towards the previous prime ministers before him. Politeness and humility and the recognition that the past PMs were merely stating their grievances over what they perceived is wrong made Tun Dr Mahathir more objective in his response. But Pak Lah and the Umno leaders fared badly in this department. Some even had the audacity to openly rebuke and scold a renown world leader in the mainstream media without any sense of guilt over their own misgivings. The adage “paku dulang paku serpih, mengata orang dia yang lebih” aptly reflects this attitude.

2. YB Datuk Zaid Ibrahim

Pak Lah appointed him as the Minister in Prime Minister Department in charge of law. During the recent general election, due to being dropped out from being a candidate, he was reported to being seen as supporting PAS through the free distribution of food for the PAS election machinery. Usually, this act of sabotage would entail him to be disciplined or even be sacked from Umno.

Furthermore, his inexperience in dealing with national issues as well as losing sight as a minister of a Malaysian Cabinet had made him look foolish. Making important statements prematurely and without the good sense in getting the consent from the rest of the Cabinet is deemed as talking without thinking.

3. Re-delineation of election constituency

Re-delineation needs to be done at least once every 8 years according to Article 113 of the Constitution. This time around, this exercise needs to be done earliest in 2012 or latest in 2013. Potential problems might arise because 5 states within Malaysia are under the control of Pakatan Rakyat. Will Umno have a strong influence in this exercise? If not, then the fate of Umno will be sealed and will be buried in the annals of Malaysian history.

This exercise has been beneficial for Umno via the use of SPR as it determines the demarcation of the voting areas accoring to racial mix. Previously, the delineation has always been done to ensure the success of BN candidates. Currently, with 5 states under the governance of PR, SPR and Umno may not have the final say during the incoming re-delineation exercise.

4. Housing development area

In several states in Malaysia, housing areas have been built on the so called Malay reserved lands and have been aggresively pursued all in the name of development. Some of the taken reserved lands were not replaced as per Article 89(3) of the Constitution.

Expensive houses were purposely built as a deterrent for the Malays to buy them. Politically, the impact for this move proves to be disastrous as several Malay majority areas like Selayang and Bayan Lepas fell to the Chinese. Subsequently, Perak and Selangor are dominated politically by the Chinese. Negeri Sembilan nearly became one too. What more, one of the reason why the Malays in Kedah and Kelantan voted for PAS is because they are afraid their lands will be taken over by the Chinese due to the establishment of ‘economic corridors’ which was the brainchild of Pak Lah.

Therefore, it is hoped that the Umno leaders as well as the Malay government officers would consciously think about the Malay interests and the repercussions when signing away approvals for any housing developments for the sake of the ’Ketuanan Melayu’ survival.

5. Role of mainstream media

The mainstream media which are controlled by the BN need to change their approach in reporting the news so that they will regain their credibility. Prior to 8th March 2008, news about Pak Lah’s so called brilliance and greatness as well as one sided stories were propagated by the media ad nauseam, which in turn, led to the unprecedented loss of confidence towards the media.

The editors need to know how to balance the news items in a way that will not jeopardize the perception of independent journalism.

6. Internet and blogs

It has been known that the ICT is the main conduit where the PR leaders can reach their intended audience. The reason why BN lost its 2/3 majority is because they had underestimated the power of ICT in this knowledge based society. It is very ironic that in the first place, it was Pak Lah who had pushed for the idea of K-ekonomi through information technology but in the run up towards the recent general election, he and the BN leaders were the ones shunning it.

The importance of blogs cannot be undermined. Each of the PR leaders have their blogs set up several years ago. Even most of PAS’ branches have their own websites for the public to access. Therefore, every component party, especially Umno, must have their own active, attractive and informative blogs and websites to counter allegations and disseminate news to the public.

To just have blogs and websites is not nearly enough. One must have pro BN bloggers who are passionate, interested, enthusiatic, impartial and very well-informed operating it. To gain a lot of readers, the contents must be balanced but critical towards BN. However, the bottomline is, it must be pro BN.

Other ICT conduits must also be used extensively such as sms, mms, web tv, 3G and web portals.

7. Rebuilding Umno

Umno must be rebuilt in the areas of its main objectives and mission. The weakened struggle towards Malay hegemony has been further weakened by the advent of corruption, nepotism, chasing government projects and unabated greed. Umno must reevaluate their direction, mission statement and objectives so that it can stay relevant within the Malaysian context. No more ‘Hidup Melayu’, ’Merdeka!’ or ‘DEB’. It must be changed to ‘Umno for All’, ‘Prospering the Economy For All’ or ‘Clean Party, Clean Government’.

In other words, even with the old slogans, Umno leaders were not serious in walking the talk. The service of political consultants may be needed in order to rejuvenate, reconstruct, reengineer and rebrand Umno so that it can be accepted by whole Malaysians.

8. Capturing the young

It has to be admitted that BTN, Vice Chancellors, overseas MSD and Malaysian ambassadors in foreign countries had failed to influence the students in supporting the government. All these institutions need to be revisited by the BN leaders as the power of the young voters are increasing as the changes from 2007 to 2013 with an increase of 10.9% young population (21 – 30 yrs) of 4.6mill to 5.1mill and increase of 10.5% from 3.8mill to 4.2mill (31 – 40 yrs) from 2007 to 2013.
Data by Statistics Department

9. Treatment towards public servants

There are about 1.2 million public servants in the government. They are a force which is both influential and requires recognition. They have the average voting power of 5 times more than the rest of the voters. Therefore, they command about 6 million voters or 55% out of 10.2 million voters and not just 1.2 million.

However, in the last general election, most of the public servants voted for the opposition. This is evident in Putrajaya whereby the PAS candidate received about 1,304 votes which is about a quarter of the total votes tallied. How can this be? Main reasons which we can deduce were the ‘broom issue’, no bonuses as well as general mistreatment of public servants. Hence, BN leaders need to tread carefully and change their approach in dealing with this huge voting force so that it can vote for BN next time around.

10. Quick wins

Expediency is the key in regaining the support from all Malaysians. When a government has lost it’s popularity among its citizens, it must behave and react in tandem with the populist demands. In short, the BN must do something popular for the people in order to become popular again. The PR government in Penang and other PR states had waived summonses and decreasing assessment rates for places of worships. This is a populist approach and they had become more popular because of that.

But what the BN had been doing after losing more popularity, was to shoot itself in the foot with the acts of Azalina Othman et al (see above) for instance. They instead must give away ‘goodies’ in the form of quick monetary gains to the people as opposed to the announcement by Pak Lah of some obscure and vague developments of the future. These ‘goodies’ must be benefiting all or almost all of the people in the BN states such as abolishing parking rates for a period of time (small compensation by the states might be given to the parking operators), cancellation of state councils’ summonses (much like in Penang), reduction of quit rents or land assessment rates temporarily for a year or two etc.

11. Conclusion

Above all, the BN must be seen moving in a coherent and united manner. Racial bigotry and demonising other races in each of their own ‘ceramahs’ must be stopped. How can Malaysia achieve prosperity if the main races are wary and fearful of each other? This seems to be the total opposite of what the leaders of BN been preaching all these years – Bangsa Malaysia.

Therefore, the eradication of racial bigotry is imperative in bringing back confidence of the voters. All races need each other. To discriminate excessively (mild discrimination may be allowed) of other races while supporting the Malays excessively is the recipe for disaster. BN may become irrelevant because of that.

In conclusion, the weakened BN especially Umno whom are led and backed by people who has never known the meaning of hard life and the nation’s struggle (KJ take note), usually will not last long in its existence. Thus, it is easily pressured and beaten till it is near death.

Thank you.

Jebat Must Die

one man independent panel review 1

from jebat must die

It’s been a month since the last general election and Barisan Nasional is still dragging it’s feet in trying to recognise their own culpability in their recent defeat. Therefore, I hereby made my own review as I have the feeling that the leaders in BN do not know where and how to begin even if their lives are dependent on it.

So, dengar sini baik-baik;

Why BN won a simple majority

Firstly I would like to congratulate BN as they are officially the longest serving party in the world to ever govern a nation continuously for the past 53 years (since the first general election in 1955). However, the reasons for not getting 2/3 majority this time are:-

1) Many didn’t go out to vote although the voters turn out (72.2%) is higher than say, in 1969.

2) People are frustrated and fed up with the government (higher spoilt votes at 175,680 in Parliament and 146,781 in States)

3) Voters swing based on race;

No. Race % Voted for BN % Voted for Opposition
2004 2008 2004 2008
1. Malay 63% 58% 37% 42%
2. Chinese 65% 35% 35% 65%
3. Indian 82% 47% 18% 53%
(data taken from Umno directorate)

4) Economic factors

– rise in the prices of goods

– the perception that the people do not receive any direct benefits from the development

5) Opposition’s strengths

– the appeal of Anwar Ibrahim (why is it after being convicted and sent to jail, he still can retain his datukship?)

– the dedication and perseverance of their supporters

– voters can relate more with their candidates i.e., their candidates understand the people better

– their strength in using IT

– the populist approach in attracting voters especially the fence sitters

6) BN’s weaknesses

– criticisms and disclosures of wrongdoings of the government by Tun Dr Mahathir

– negative perception of Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi

– damaging perception that Khairy Jamaluddin is interfering with governmental matters

– complacency and over confidence after gaining huge mandate during 2004 election

– lack of dedication from the BN machinery and supporters

– localised issues like water, no electricity, no tarred roads etc.

– rampant corruption, cronysim and nepotism within BN

– below par performance of MPs from BN

– BN candidates not suitable or not accepted by the people

– internal bickering and back stabbing

– inadequate usage of IT

– wrong advise from advisers

– arrogant BN leaders

– failure to lure young voters and under estimating their influence

– weak in streamlining and presenting valid information and arguments to counter opposition’s allegations

7) Non – Malay’s anger

– expensive education and unfair opportunity

– MCA/MIC/Gerakan are seemingly weak

– Chinese and Indians felt that there are marginalised

– feeling discriminated by the government’s policies

– Non Muslims feel threatened by the perceived Islamisation (Islam Hadhari etc)

– Under estimating the HIndraf movement and their Makkal Sakhti slogan

8 ) Malay’s anger

– some development are perceived as enriching only cronies

– Umno is perceived as selling out the Malays

– feeling the majority of Malays do not benefit from the development and be left poor

9) General factors

– increasing crime rate

– mainstream media seemed to be biased

– effective alternative media

– protest by public servants (no bonus etc)

– failure of the propaganda and espionage machinery

The first step in regaining the confidence and importantly the vote from the people of Malaysia is for the BN to own up with all the factors above based on the honesty with which we interpret this result. Then we must face it without further denial, self deception and media spin. Hence, it will be easier for the issues above to be dealt with. Thereafter, the strengthening of BN and Umno may begin. Next, we will explore the aftermath of the election and how to overcome this blunder that Pak Lah and his band of 40 thieves made for the past 4 years.

compromising politics

from malik imtiaz disquiet

Any reform of an institution or an institutional nature will require political will. As we have learnt, the Barisan Nasional federal government is impervious to public opinion. Were it otherwise, we would not have heard the kind of rhetoric we did these past few years and that we continue to hear. Like all bullies, the Barisan responds to aggression and power. Until March 8th, when Malaysians coalesced into the phalanx that drove the Barisan out of five states and denied it the traditional two-thirds majority it had become accustomed to, there was no power that could match that of the Barisan. Safe in its control of key institutions and agencies, it had sat back and thumbed its nose at everyone else.

The slap it received on March 8th made the Barisan reel. But even as it took one, maybe two, steps back, it quickly steadied itself and clung to whatever it could, notably government. And despite seeming efforts to bridge the gap between it and Malaysians through the trumpeting of the need for reforms, the Barisan has thus far governed pretty much as it had prior to March 8th. We have in the short time since the elections heard about threats to racial harmony, seen the race and religious card played, heard the usual excuses over non-performance and, as expected, heard of how the opposition is the cause of all ills in the nation. Business, as such, is pretty much as usual, perhaps more so for the fact that the internal power struggle in UMNO is eclipsing all else on the list of priorities. Governance, it would seem, has once again fallen second to politics.

In this climate, it is apparent that Malaysians can only reasonably expect to see reforms where these reforms intersect with the political agenda of key players within UMNO. For all purposes and intents, more so than before in light of their dismal performance at the polls, the MCA and the MIC are largely irrelevant.

This setting makes me wonder how to perceive these wonderful promises of judicial reform. I know Zaid Ibrahim and I think he is doing a good job at trying to push for reforms. His efforts strike me as being sincere and aimed more at nation building than politics. If he were the only factor in the mix, I would be heartened and would view the situation optimistically.

However, Zaid is not the only factor nor he is the only player. Neither is the Prime Minister, assuming that he is solidly behind the push for reform. There are those on the cabinet who, in many ways, represent the old guard and for that reason alone may choose to oppose any measure involving acknowledgments of wrongdoing, tacit or otherwise. I note the Deputy Prime Minister’s emphatic rejection of the suggestion that the gesture made by the Government to those judges who were victimized in 1988, was not, repeat, not an apology. This refutation is manifestly inconsistent with Prime Minister’s declaration of a need to make amends. This and the presence on the cabinet of other senior UMNO members who may be nervous about crossing Tun Mahathir, who in these politically treacherous times is now openly acknowledged as being the principal cause of the downfall of the Judiciary, hints worryingly at the possibility that the reform proposals may not gain traction.

The ex-gratia payment and the speech delivered by the Prime Minister fell short of the full vindication that the affected judges, so well versed in the parceling of fault, are deserving off. The payment and speech go someway to beginning a necessary process of truth and reconciliation not only the victims of 1988 but for the Judiciary and the nation. We must credit Zaid and the Prime Minister for that.

Having said that, it must be recognized however that no matter how we characterize the gesture, it in itself does not go far in reforming the Judiciary. Zaid had declared that there were three key aspects to the reform package he was offering Malaysia; the apology, the establishment of a judicial appointments commission and reinstating Article 121(1) of the Federal Constitution to ensure the separation of powers. Of the three, as thing stand, only the first has to an extent become a reality.

The Prime Minister’s declaration that the government proposes the establishment of a judicial appointments commission does not quite hit the mark where the second is concerned, in part because it is for the government to take steps and not to propose. His explanation that this will involve some time as the process has to be worked out is not reassuring in light of the split in ranks within the cabinet. The Prime Minister had in 2005 similarly reassured Malaysians that the IPCMC would be established. We have yet to see it, largely due to resistance from within. The establishment of the National Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM) took some seven years. If that is what is meant when the Prime Minister says that the process will take time, I am not inspired. I do not know whether Malaysia can take another seven years of the Judiciary in its current state.

The avoidance of any discussion of Article 121(1) in the speech is similarly worrying. The reinstatement of the article as it was prior to 1988 is a crucial step in re-entrenching the separation of powers and re-establishing the judiciary as a bulwark against totalitarian arbitrariness. The Barisan government has time and time again shown us why Malaysians cannot afford to lose the right to seek judicial review. We are largely where we are because the courts felt themselves unable to intervene or, if permitted, were unwilling. The absence of any reference to this key aspect of the discussion further undermines my belief that the Government will actually take concrete steps forward.

Seen from this perspective, it is glaringly evident that the nation is currently caught up in a huge public relations exercise that the Barisan has hinged on the promise of judicial reforms. The public relation campaign does not necessarily of itself lead to the implementation of reforms.

It is for this reason that civil society must keep on pressuring the Government to act and to act decisively. The Pakatan Rakyat should consider tabling a private members bill for the establishment of an adequately empowered judicial appointments commission. All possible avenues to create awareness and force accountability must be explored. The battle has not been won, it has just begun.

Which is why I find the overwhelmingly supportive reaction of the Malaysian Bar somewhat surprising. The Bar has always been at the vanguard of rule of law issues. It has been steadfast in its condemnation of the events of 1988 and the subsequent decline in the quality and integrity of the Judiciary. Nothing less than a full apology and a reinstatement of all benefits of the judges who were wrongly attacked should have warranted the standing ovation given to the Prime Minister. But there was a standing ovation, and that at a dinner hosted by the Bar but paid for by the Government, something I never thought I would see in my lifetime as a lawyer.

The Bar needs to be wary of accommodating, or being perceived as accommodating, the politics of the Executive. It is however veering dangerously close to doing just that and compromising itself in a manner that will rob it of its credibility.

When, and if, the proposal for a judicial appointments commission comes to fruition, the Bar will be the primary voice of civil society to ensure that the commission is established as it should be. In all likelihood, the appointments mechanism will not satisfy the criteria of an independent appointments commission. At that point in time, the Bar must ensure that it is in a position to live up to its responsibilities. Positions it takes now will limit its freedom to react appropriately. Regrettably, the extent of support shown to the Government, from the hosting of the dinner to the adulatory speeches, may have already had their impact.

Commending the Prime Minister for the step taken was the proper thing to do, but to offer, as the media reports suggest, congratulations for the loosening up of controls over the freedom of expression, is to ignore the very real and very painful suppression of the numerous demonstrations of 2007 by force. The shots fired in Pantai Batu Burok still ring out, as do the cries of peaceful marchers and demonstrators as they were tear gassed and attacked with water cannons. The Prime Minister was responsible for all that and more.

I appreciate that activism will require tactical concessions. I also understand that it is better to seize what gains one can when one can rather than not making any progress at all. However, gains should not be taken at the risk of principle. The rule of law cannot be built on compromise.

umno bahagian patut adakan debat umum

pemilihan bahagian akan diadakan pada tahun ini. bahang pru12 masih terasa. penyandang jawatan mahu pertahankan kuasa mereka. ahli umno yang aktif berpolitik dan yang tidak memegang apa apa jawatan dalam peringkat bahagian pula inginkan kuasa. yang baru, yang lama, yang tua, yang muda, yang tidak berpengalaman, yang punya pengalaman luas semuanya ingin mencuba nasib dalam mencari kuasa politik disebalik politik umno yang sedang goyang, yang telah dilanda tsunami.

boleh dikatakan majoriti ahli umno yang ingin bertanding sudah pun memulakan kempen mereka. berjumpa dengan ketua cawangan, ketua pemuda, ketua wanita dan ketua puteri. perwakilan cawangan ke persidangan bahagian tahun lepas juga menjadi tumpuan mereka yang berkempen. ini adalah kerana kebanyakkannya perwakilan adalah sama setiap tahun dan mereka, perwakilan cawangan ini tidak mahu melepaskan peluang dapat imbuhan, makan free, berjalan free, menikmati suasana politik umno yang goyang, mengkritik, membahas, mengata, mendengar, mempolitik dan bermacam lagi.

semua yang bertanding itu terdiri dari bermacam ragam ahli umno. yang intelek, yang tidak berapa pandai, yang vokal, yang pendiam, yang berdendam, yang suka suka, yang mencuba nasib, yang kaya, yang miskin, yang mempunyai ideologi, yang langsung tak mempunyai hala tuju dan bermacam lagi. yang membezakan semua yang nak bertanding ini adalah pandangan, pendapat, hala tuju, komitmen, intelek, sikap dan keberanian. yang menjadikan mereka ini lengkap ialah berjaya atau tidak mereka menjadikan apa yang telah mereka katakan dan menyampaikan pandangan mereka dalam bahasa yang paling mudah kepada semua perwakilan untuk difahami.

peluang mesti diberikan kepada mereka yang bertanding untuk menceritakan dan menyampaikan apa yang tersirat didalam hati mereka. secara terbuka. berkempen tanpa selindung. mengatakan hasrat kepada ahli umno. biarkan ahli menentukan siapa yang mereka bakal undi dalam pemilihan. tidak perlu takut dalam apa yang mahu diucapkan. sekarang ini adalah masa untuk ahli umno menjadi berani dan vokal. bukan lagi sebagai ahli yang yes man. pemimpin yang dicari adalah pemimpin yang boleh di harapkan untuk mempertahankan ahli mereka. pemimpin yang berani. pemimpin yang ada fakta. pemimpin yang ada akal fikiran. pemimpin yang emphatik. pemimpin yang teruji. pemimpin yang ada halatuju. pemimpin yang boleh membawa parti dan ahli ke satu destinasi yang baik. pemimpin yang sentiasa ingat kepada agama dan bangsa.

semua ini boleh dilihat dan dinilai dalam debat secara umum yang disertai oleh calon calon yang ingin bertanding. mereka boleh memperagakan keupayaan mereka sebagai pemimpin yang bakal menerajui tampuk kuasa di umno bahagian. sekiranya mereka layak untuk memimpin dan layak untuk mendapat undi, pasti perwakilan akan beri. dalam debat ini, calon boleh memberi persepsi yang berbagai kepada ahli. debat ini juga akan menjadikan semua calon yang bertanding turun kepadang bertemu dgn seramai orang yang termampu untuk berkempen sambil menunjukkan kewibawaan masing masing. ini akan menyemarakkan semangat berpolitik dan secara tak langung membuka minda ahli yang berada dan berpolitik dicawangan sahaja.

kebanyakkan ahli umno dan semua calon yang bertanding akan menerima dengan sukacita sekiranya debat umum antara calon ini menjadi kenyataan. ini memberikan ruang dan peluang kepada mereka untuk mengambil bahagian dalam politik melayu secara aktif. dan kesannya akan kita dapat lihat dalam pru13.

umno hampering the rise of young political talent

nur jazlan writes;

Let’s face it. Since Umno Baru was founded in 1988 – let’s not kid ourselves that it is the same party from 1946 – there has not been a vote for the top two party posts. It’s a succession by patronage.
In other words, it’s feudal. Not something that we need in today’s hyper-competitive world.

My point is that the 30 per cent quota for nominations in the Umno election rules is hampering talent from rising to the top. It allows them to move up to a point before party warlords decide which horse to back and leaving the rest trailing in the dust. Not necessarily the best go up but probably only the popular.

In the DAP, those voted into the central working committee divide the posts among themselves. In PAS, those vying for leadership need to get the nod from the Shura before contesting. Both systems are not democratic.

But Umno is democratic. The grassroots nominate their favourites and those who breach the 30 per cent quota of nominations get to contest. This only favours the popular and the influential in grabbing nominations leaving the young leaders without a ghost of a chance for a stab at the top.

Where does that leave us? It leaves Umno without much of its talent as the young possibles and probables will either turn the feudal way and perpetuate an outdated system or leave in disgust for other parties. Either way, it is a dead end for Umno.

I am not advocating a contest against Pak Lah because of the current climate but I want to advocate competition to ensure that Umno gets the best talent to take us forward to the 21st Century when the Opposition have already undergone radical change leaving us wondering what has hit us.

Because what we have is a double-edge sword that could possibly leave us with a leader undesired by all.

Imagine if you will, that there are four contenders for the post of Umno where to qualify one needs 30 per cent of the nominations. Let us say that not one of the four contenders achieve the 30 per cent requirement; which I feel is too onerous for Umno’s democratic process to function.

Even worse, assume that one of the four candidates scrapes 30 per cent and the rest do not. The one that meets the required quota wins without contest. Is this fair?

Don’t you think that the person who gets 29 per cent of the nominations will challenge this outcome? Are we to be brought to court again?

What will then happen to Umno? In the light of the current reforms of the judiciary, are we heading for a repeat of February 1988 when Umno was deregistered?

Perhaps the Opposition may not have to finish off Umno, we will do it ourselves!

I believe that Umno and its management committee should consider this scenario seriously especially in the current climate where veterans are already casting an envious eye on the top post while the young will eventually inherit a party bereft of hope and talent.

As an example, the management committee should consider reducing the quota to 15 per cent for the post of president. At this level, a person who is contesting would need at least 29 nominations.

There is no state in Malaysia where Umno has more than 26 divisions and this will ensure that the candidate has support beyond his home state.

The number of nominations should be substantive but not burdensome. This will ensure only quality candidates will contest. I do not believe that a person should contest for president with just two nominations as this would result in many trivial challenges.

We can handicap candidates to get the best but not at the expense of handicapping the party of talent.

Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed is a two-time MP for Pulai and writes an occasional exclusive column for The Malaysian Insider. He blogs at http://www.jazlan.net

calon yang menawarkan diri

kerusi ketua bahagian
dato’ ahmad bhari ( incumbent )
abd sukor idrus ( adun kuang )
dato’ subahan kamal ( adun taman templer )

kerusi timbalan ketua bahagian
soohaimi abd rahman ( incumbent )
miskiran surat ( naib ketua bahagian – incumbent )
sanusi mahmud

kerusi naib ketua bahagian
rashid md dom
kassim jalildin ( ajk bahagian )
hj nasir ibrahim ( ajk bahagian )
anuar aziz ( ajk bahagian )
azharudin hj akasah ( ajk bahagian )

usul cawangan pada mesyuarat agung cawangan tahunan

umno akan mengadakan mesyuarat perwakilan di peringkat cawangan dan bahagian tak lama lagi. dalam keadaan politik melayu kucar kacir sekarang ini, ahli umno mesti peka, prihatin, berani dan vokal. ahli umno tidak boleh lagi menjadi ahli yang “yes man”. kedudukan melayu berada ditahap genting. lihatlah apa yang sedang berlaku. jika ahli ahli umno tidak melakukan sesuatu menjelang persidangan cawangan, nescaya buruk lah padahnya kepada melayu.

tidak ada parti politik yang boleh menjaga orang melayu kecuali umno. dengan sombong dan bongkak, husam musa mengatakan ketuanan melayu itu tidak lagi menjadi kepentingan bersama. walau pun nik aziz menyokong tengku faris didalam hal ini. anwar ibrahim pula bertekad untuk memajukan bangsa sambil berkongsi dengan bukan melayu. deb mahu ditinggalkannya. dimana letaknya naluri kemelayuannya. maka kesimpulannya ialah hanya umno yang boleh memastikan hak dan keistemewaan orang melayu.

ramai melayu muda professional beranggapan melayu boleh bersaing dan maju tanpa deb. mereka ini bercakap hanya memikirkan diri mereka sahaja tanpa melihat melayu itu sebagai satu bangsa yang menyeluruh. bangsa yang tersebar keseluruh pelusuk tanah air dan bukan hanya di bandar besar sahaja. bodoh mereka ini. bagaimana dengan melayu yang di luar bandar yang memerlukan bantuan dari deb?

pengurusan umno berduyun duyun mengadakan post mortem di setiap negeri mencari sebab musabab mengapa umno tewas dalam pru yang lepas. yang menyedihkan ialah, hanya kepimpinan 4 peringkat sahaja yang dijemput hadir. kebanyakan dari kepimpinan 4 peringkat ini terdiri dari kepimpinan yang tidak tahu tentang masalah yang berlaku di akar umbi. ada yang berani menghentam kepimpinan. ada yang tidak berani. ada juga yang menukar kenyataan selepas post mortem itu. pemimpin beginilah yang kita kata pemimpin yang tak ada telor. melayu pengecut.

pemimpin umno sekarang berada dalam dilemma. mahu menyokong pak lah atau tidak? ramai yang menyokong dan lebih ramai yang tidak menyokong. muhyiddin mengatakan kedudukan pak lah adalah didalam tangan ahli umno. maka saya mencadangkan kepada semua cawangan untuk membawa usul menukar kepimpinan pusat yang ada sekarang kepada yang baru. peralihan kuasa mesti dilakukan sebelum mkt bersidang. jika semua cawangan umno mengusulkan yang sama maka umno bahagian tidak mempunyai alasan untuk tidak membawa usul tersebut ke perhubungan negeri. umno mesti kembali menjadi parti politik kampung kata musa hitam. dan itulah yang ahli umno mesti buat. kembalikan kuasa umno kepada ahli dan bukan di pucuk pimpinan.

usul : mengembalikan maruah bangsa dan ketuanan melayu

menyedari : bahawa kekalahan banyak kerusi umno di peringkat dun dan parlimen pada pru12 adalah disebabkan kelemahan pemimpin umno di peringkat bahagian, perhubungan negeri dan pusat dalam menyelenggarakan kempen pru12 dan tugas kepimpinan umno.

menginsafi : bahawa kekalahan banyak kerusi umno di peringkat dun dan parlimen pada pru12 menyebabkan kehilangan kuasa pemerintahan mutlak melayu di 4 buah negeri ia itu selangor, perak, kedah dan kelantan yang secara tidak langsung menjadikan umno sebagai pembangkang dinegeri tersebut. kekalahan ini juga mengakibatkan umno dilanda masalah halatuju. kita insaf akan keadaan yang bakal menunggu anak cucu bangsa melayu di masa kan datang. melayu menjadi terpinggir di tanah lahir mereka kepada kuasa bukan melayu. ini tidak hanya pada kuasa politik malah juga kuasa ekonomi.

mengusulkan : kepimpinan umno di peringkat bahagian, perhubungan negeri dan pusat memikul tanggungjawab kekalahan banyak kerusi dun dan parlimen pada pru12 yang lalu. setiap kepimpinan diukur melalui kejayaan yang ditempa mereka. dalam politik mengekalkan hak dan istemewa orang melayu, ternyata dan terbukti bahawa, melalui keputusan pru12, kepimpinan umno dipringkat bahagian, perhubungan negeri dan pusat tidak mencapai kejayaan yang diharapkan. maka dengan ini diusulkan supaya kepimpinan yang telah menyebabkan kekalahan umno dalam banyak kerusi pru12 mengundurkan diri sebelum kuasa, keadaan kehidupan dan nasib bangsa melayu menjadi lebih terumbang ambing di masa depan. diusulkan juga supaya kepimpinan umno di peringkat bahagian tidak lagi mengamalkan prinsip status quo dan beralih kepada prinsip demokratisasi. beri laluan kepada pemimpin umno yang baru yang mempunyai lebih kewibawaan, bertenaga, berjiwa rakyat, intelek dan empatik dalam menjalankan kerja kerja pemulihan parti.

setiap cawangan umno diminta membawa usul ini demi menjaga kesinambungan hak ketuanan orang melayu dan juga kuasa di tangan kita. marilah kita mulakan di cawangan. ingatlah, kekuatan umno bukan ditangan kepimpinan tetapi adalah ditangan ahli umno yang mengangkat mereka naik menjadi pemimpin.

kalau kita tak mulakan di cawangan siapa lagi yang harus semua ahli harapkan. sekiranya ini tidak berlaku maka “hilanglah melayu di dunia”. nauzubillah.

selamat berjuang dan selamat bersidang.

umno bahagian patut mengadakan debat umum

pemilihan bahagian akan diadakan pada tahun ini. bahang pru12 masih terasa. penyandang jawatan mahu pertahankan kuasa mereka. ahli umno yang aktif berpolitik dan yang tidak memegang apa apa jawatan dalam peringkat bahagian pula inginkan kuasa. yang baru, yang lama, yang tua, yang muda, yang tidak berpengalaman, yang punya pengalaman luas semuanya ingin mencuba nasib dalam mencari kuasa politik disebalik politik umno yang sedang goyang, yang telah dilanda tsunami.

boleh dikatakan majoriti ahli umno yang ingin bertanding sudah pun memulakan kempen mereka. berjumpa dengan ketua cawangan, ketua pemuda, ketua wanita dan ketua puteri. perwakilan cawangan ke persidangan bahagian tahun lepas juga menjadi tumpuan mereka yang berkempen. ini adalah kerana kebanyakkannya perwakilan adalah sama setiap tahun dan mereka, perwakilan cawangan ini tidak mahu melepaskan peluang dapat imbuhan, makan free, berjalan free, menikmati suasana politik umno yang goyang, mengkritik, membahas, mengata, mendengar, mempolitik dan bermacam lagi.

semua yang bertanding itu terdiri dari bermacam ragam ahli umno. yang intelek, yang tidak berapa pandai, yang vokal, yang pendiam, yang berdendam, yang suka suka, yang mencuba nasib, yang kaya, yang miskin, yang mempunyai ideologi, yang langsung tak mempunyai hala tuju dan bermacam lagi. yang membezakan semua yang nak bertanding ini adalah pandangan, pendapat, hala tuju, komitmen, intelek, sikap dan keberanian. yang menjadikan mereka ini lengkap ialah berjaya atau tidak mereka menjadikan apa yang telah mereka katakan dan menyampaikan pandangan mereka dalam bahasa yang paling mudah kepada semua perwakilan untuk difahami.

peluang mesti diberikan kepada mereka yang bertanding untuk menceritakan dan menyampaikan apa yang tersirat didalam hati mereka. secara terbuka. berkempen tanpa selindung. mengatakan hasrat kepada ahli umno. biarkan ahli menentukan siapa yang mereka bakal undi dalam pemilihan. tidak perlu takut dalam apa yang mahu diucapkan. sekarang ini adalah masa untuk ahli umno menjadi berani dan vokal. bukan lagi sebagai ahli yang yes man. pemimpin yang dicari adalah pemimpin yang boleh di harapkan untuk mempertahankan ahli mereka. pemimpin yang berani. pemimpin yang ada fakta. pemimpin yang ada akal fikiran. pemimpin yang emphatik. pemimpin yang teruji. pemimpin yang ada halatuju. pemimpin yang boleh membawa parti dan ahli ke satu destinasi yang baik. pemimpin yang sentiasa ingat kepada agama dan bangsa.

semua ini boleh dilihat dan dinilai dalam debat secara umum yang disertai oleh calon calon yang ingin bertanding. mereka boleh memperagakan keupayaan mereka sebagai pemimpin yang bakal menerajui tampuk kuasa di umno bahagian. sekiranya mereka layak untuk memimpin dan layak untuk mendapat undi, pasti perwakilan akan beri. dalam debat ini, calon boleh memberi persepsi yang berbagai kepada ahli. debat ini juga akan menjadikan semua calon yang bertanding turun kepadang bertemu dgn seramai orang yang termampu untuk berkempen sambil menunjukkan kewibawaan masing masing. ini akan menyemarakkan semangat berpolitik dan secara tak langung membuka minda ahli yang berada dan berpolitik dicawangan sahaja.

kebanyakkan ahli umno dan semua calon yang bertanding akan menerima dengan sukacita sekiranya debat umum antara calon ini menjadi kenyataan. ini memberikan ruang dan peluang kepada mereka untuk mengambil bahagian dalam politik melayu secara aktif. dan kesannya akan kita dapat lihat dalam pru13.

analisa keputusan pru12 parlimen selayang

2004 menang dengan majoriti agak selesa. 2008 menang dengan majoriti yang boleh dianggap bernasib baik. tetapi dengan keputusan itu yang dilihat dengan makro keputusan keseluruhan, dengan hanya 38 cawangan umno di kuang, kuang di pinggir kuala lumpur masih mempunyai kekuatan ahli umno dan sokongan orang melayu yang padu. selayang pula yang mempunyai sebanyak 56 cawangan umno, yang terletak 10 minit dari kuala lumpur juga mempunyai kekuatan umno dan sokongan padu orang melayu. undi bukan melayu yang lari hanya mampu mengurangkan majoriti tetapi bukan mengubah keputusan. membuktikan bahawa undi rakyat kuang dan selayang yang majoritinya melayu masih mahukan wakil umno walaupun penggal sebelumnya wakil rakyat tidak menjalankan tanggungjawabnya dengan baik.

kekalahan dun rawang dengan parlimen selayang adalah disebabkan oleh majoriti undi terdiri dari undi bukan melayu. bukan melayu yang terpengaruh dengan isu nasional ditokok tambah dengan isu tempatan hasil nukilan wakil rakyat mca terdahulu menyebabkan undi berpehak kepada calon pembangkang yang asalnya pun bukan dari selayang. mca tewas kepada calon yang asalnya jauh dari selayang. keputusan itu sudah cukup untuk membuktikan bahawa undi bukan melayu tidak memehak kepada kerajaan. mereka akan mengundi apabila diarah untuk mengundi siapa yang patut mereka undi. soalannya adalah siapa yang memegang suis mereka ini sehinggakan sanggup mengundi calon yang mereka tidak kenal dan bukan anak tempatan.

mengapa undi bukan melayu dan segelintir melayu lari dari umno?
1. prestasi wakil umno yang buruk.
2. tidak ada program yang menguntungkan melayu dikawasan.
3. terpengaruh dengan blog.
4. dendam yang membara.
5. peranan ahli umno yang tidak memberangsangkan.
6. umno tidak mendekatkan diri kepada rakyat.
7. pemimpin umno yang tidak peka kepada kehendak rakyat.
8. alternatif lebih proaktif dan mendekati rakyat.
9. penggunaan sekolah, masjid dan surau yang lebih efektif oleh alternatif.
10. isu nasional; bersih, hindraf, kuil hindu, kepimpinan pak lah, kedudukan ekonomi yang tidak baik.

ketuanan melayu versi pas

dari pemuda pelapis

Soal ketuanan Melayu yang dicadangkan Umno agar bersepakat untuk dibincangkan bersama pemimpin Melayu dari parti PAS dan PKR tidak perlu diperbesarkan jika sekiranya enggan bekerjasama.

Saya menyelar keras kenyataan Naib Presiden PAS Pusat, Husam Musa dan juga AJK PAS Pusat, Dr Syed Azman Syed Ahmad Nawawi yang juga Setiausaha Politik kepada Presiden PAS.

Pemimpin PAS ini lupa bahawa suatu ketika dahulu saranan ini juga datang daripada pihak mereka, malahan merekalah yang “TERHEGEH-HEGEH” pada suatu ketika. Apabila Umno mengusulkannya semula supaya diadakan perbincangan, mereka pula yang dilihat sebagai “KERAS KEPALA” dan begitu “ANGKUH” setelah merasakan mempunyai “SEDIKIT KUASA DI TANGAN”. Usaha ini dianggap mereka sebagai “GIMIK LAMA” permainan politik Umno sedangkan hakikat hari ini ianya amat berbeza daripada sebelumnya.

Oleh itu pemimpin Melayu PAS dan PKR janganlah menjadi umpama “BERUK MENDAPAT BUNGA” untuk mengenepikan segala apa yang baik kepada bangsa sendiri tetapi sebaliknya sanggup memperjuangkan “ISU BABI” untuk kepentingan kaum lain. Jangan bertindak sesuka hati tanpa berfikir panjang. Pepatah ada mengatakan, “IKUT HATI, KITA MATI” dan “IKUT RASA, KITA BINASA”. Bijak-bijaklah berfikir secara lebih matang dan jangan terlalu mementingkan diri sendiri.

Jika ini sikap yang ditunjukkan oleh pemimpin Melayu PAS dan PKR, nescaya Melayu akan hancur apabila mereka mampu mentadbir negara kerana sikap “PENYAYANG TERHADAP BANGSA MELAYU” tiada dalam diri dan jiwa pemimpin mereka. Pemimpin Melayu PAS dan PKR juga turut mementingkan soal “materialistik” dan “duniawi”. Hak bangsa sendiri sanggup diketepikan demi mencapai impian politik mereka.

Soal membincangkan isu ketuanan Melayu tidak harus dikaitkan dengan pergolakan di dalam Umno. Isu “rumahtangga Umno” biar Umno yang selesaikan dan Pakatan Rakyat tidak perlu masuk campur. Kita perlu berusaha memperkukuhkan bangsa Melayu yang majoriti setelah situasi hari ini memberi petunjuk bahawa kaum minoriti Cina dan India di bumi asal Melayu ini semakin besar kepala dan telah mula berani memperbodohkan Melayu.

Sepatutnya di dalam membincangkan isu ketuanan Melayu ini kita bermuafakat dan mengenepikan soal parti buat seketika dan tidak perlulah dipolitikkan. PAS sebenarnya terkenal sebagai parti yang gemar mempolitikkan segala isu sejak dari dahulu lagi. Jika “AL-QURAN dan HADIS” mereka mampu “MEMPOLITIKKAN” apalah sangat soal “KETUANAN MELAYU” kepada mereka.

Di sebaliknya, PAS dilihat sengaja mahu menutup kelemahan sendiri setelah “DIPERKUDAKAN” dan “DIPERBODOHKAN” oleh DAP berkenaan “ISU BABI” untuk dijadikan projek Mega sebagai sumber ekonomi utama Pakatan Rakyat di Selangor sehinggalah terbitnya pula berita terkini di mana negara China membuat lamaran untuk menjadi pengimpot utama “HAIWAN HARAM” tersebut daripada Malaysia sebagai sebuah negara Islam dunia.

Pemimpin Melayu PAS dan PKR takut isu ini akan ditimbulkan di dalam perbincangan nanti. Secara langsungnya mereka tahu dan “TAKUT KEPADA BAYANG-BAYANG SENDIRI” maka pelbagai dolak-dalih dan alasan dikemukakan untuk menempelak semula kepada Umno.